He
was one of a kind, this man, as they put him to rest. Growing up as a young
bubbly and dreadlocked activist whom the local beshtes called ‘Stone’, Mutinda Kavemba, the fallen Chief Officer
in the Nairobi County Government was not an ordinary man. He had picked himself
up from the usual eastlando poverty and hustlings of Umoja Estate to organize
youth groups that tried to make a shilling from collecting and disposing
garbage in the estate, to finally emerge as one of the leading young
politicians in the city and the country. In his brief act, he had become a respected
civic leader, vied for the city governor and become a well heeled political
honcho and strategist. Sadly, he would pass on in mysterious circumstances just
two months in his new job as one of the city fathers.
Our
paths would cross in early 2002 while in the course of our respective youthful
political pursuits- his political ambitions as recited above and my national
renaissance movement for young new leaders. Fittingly he would become one the Nairobi
co-covenors of the Youth Assembly – a national youth political platform – from which
he would announce his candidature in the elections that were later held late in
the same year. He won those elections you know to become one of the youngest
civil leaders in the Capital City.
As
we laid him to rest during a funeral which was attended by many of the
‘rennaisance’ leaders; Mutuse Mwengi, Martha Wangari, Joseph Kioko, Makondingo,
Fwamba NC Fwamba, Jackson Mwalulu, it should have been a be-fitting sendoff for
one of its most successful graduates. Yet it was not and not least because of the annoying and petulant political speeches by attendant politicians who were
falling over themselves to speak at the mourners, so annoying that the latter
became restive to force the presiding priest to take over proceedings and
hasten the process. But for the more because of the gnawing question that
refused to go away despite desperate interventions by all and sundry; Just how
and why had Kavemba died? The bold among those lucky to speak promised to
‘revisit’ the issue, even alluding as Mutunga Mutungi stated, to on-going
investigations already underway.
Sulking
in one of the heat fanned tents next to the choir and far apart from the ‘high
tent’ where most of the above luminaries sat, I mused over the issue, partly
reminiscing the days of of then when this group met in political
workshops, rallies and meetings as we strategized about the ‘takeover’. They
were all my friends and were now riding high in different political portfolios.
Some had become high ranking government officers just like Kavemba while others
had managed to win for themselves important political seats. It would seem that
our ideas during the ‘renaissance’ had borne fruit. Or had they?
Then
it hit me. Were we really on the same pro-change trajectory with which we had
entered with into the country’s political fray with so much gusto? How comes it
that there seemed such a wide chasm between them and myself? Perhaps it was
sour grapes on my part, seeing as it was that my buddies had gained such
political weight and mileage over the years and I hadn’t. Maybe but maybe not.
It
was all too clear for me that our political trajectories diverged in the run-up
to the 2002 General Elections. We had quite a spell before this, beginning in
1996 with the formation of the National Youth Movement led by one Ochieng
Khairalla and George Morara. Kepta Ombati, Cecilly Mbarire (Cess) and Danny
Irungu had set up the Youth Agenda, while Olang Sana and yours truly opted for
a more politically apt formation, the Young Social Democrats within the Social
Democratic Party platform. There were other groupings too such as the
university student driven initiatives like MVOA where the like of Joseph Kioko,
George Omondi and Hassan Omar would emerge from.
Before
I lose the plot, let me quickly tie up issues. The initiatives started above
had some commonality; While different in their housing and setting, there
always remained a sort of unity of purpose for all teams, first a need to get
new, fresher and young leaders into political office and secondly to change the
prevailing leadership with more pro-people and pro-development minded leaders.
Our answer to the second objective was the believe that young leaders were
untainted and beyond reproach. Of course we were wrong. And this is when the
linkages with the present come in.
While
we really have made tremendous progress in getting new, fresh and younger
leaders into political office, very little of our political thought has
changed. This is a bold statement, given the titanic political changes that the
country has seen ever since that epic election in 2002; Positive economic
trajectory under Kibaki, serious political conflict and violence in 2007-8, new
constitutional dispensation in 2010, emergence of coalition politics of
mobilization and the enactment of devolved governments as the greatest reward
of the new constitution amongst other political manifestations.
So
have things not changed? We remain an ethnically fractious nation, deeply
steeped in corruption practices now devolved to the counties, most of our
leaders remain rudderless and mainly interested in personal wealth
accumulation. All this while poverty ravages majority of Kenyans across the
land with continued increase in the cost of living and an increased burden from
a growing national debt. These were the same issues that we needed to address in our
cherished youthhood dreams for political office.
So
it does appear a contradiction that even with new younger leaders, we are still in
the woods of political indifference. Here’s my hypothesis of what exactly
happened. In the run-up to the 2002 elections, many actors especially in the
political opposition, opted for expediency rather than a substantive drive towards change of the political leadership. The threat of Moi extending his reign through
his prodigy, Uhuru Kenyatta, was all too imposing for them to think clearly
under the circumstances. Thus that phenomenon of coalition building started.
This is perhaps a story for another day but in the circumstances, many young
people who had hitherto ‘strategically’ positioned themselves in different
political parties found themselves having to become ‘expediency merchants and
mercenaries’ for the old guard. And they would even coin names and labels –
Vijana na Kibaki, Warembo na Kibaki et al.
Some
of us remained cautious at the unfoldings. Many attempts were made to enjoin us
but we remained steadfast, arguing that we were being only used as mobilization
agents without any clear guarantees on the rewards and our expectations. Many of course joined up
and were immediately rewarded with lots ‘expediency glitterrazzi’; campaign
cash, cars, flash lifestyles. And the campaign paid of with the Kibaki led
coalition winning with a landslide and sitting pretty in government. What would
then become of our colleagues. Again it seemed at first that it was also paying
off for them. Appointments as personal assistants and strategic government
positions followed. This was good. Even for those outside the spectre, there
was a unanimous feeling that a page had turned. Now we had powerful connections
across the board and buddies that we had shared common pursuits were top
political functionaries in the seats of power. But this was only a mirage.
Attempts
at creating bridges that would be used to continue with the struggle were
quickly burnt as those in office sort to consolidate their positions by
clinging to their ‘sponsors’. While this was to be expected, it was the change
of political thought that became more treacherous and painful to bare for those
of us who had believed the emergence of a new dawn. But it was especially the
desire and pursuit for wealth accumulations by these new leaders that would irk us the most. This was a clear departure from the principles of leadership that we had
assumed in our youthful adventures. They had become part of the problem.
Now
we had to deal with the same old problems in a new and closer ally-turned foe.
And this we had feared would happen. It had informed our initial instincts to
hold back. Over the last sixteen years since this advent, this brigade has gone
on to entrench themselves as an impregnable state-crafters who are now movers
and shakers in an alien infrastructure that they had so un-seemingly subscribed
to.
It
is this phenomenon that I now attempt to link with the demise of our departed
friend. While the questions of his death remain unanswered, many have
fleetingly related political and governmental sub-cultures for the happening. In
an ‘expedient’ political environment coupled with a cult-like deep state
government embodiments, survival for the fittest becomes the norm as
individuals try to outsmart each other. With a politically feeble external
movement keeping check on the monster regime that is deeply controlled and
financed by yester-year autocrats , who we had attempted to unseat during our
unity of purpose overtures, we seem back where we started.
It
is therefore palpable that the death of our friend was not natural, in any case
the government he was working for is well know for its cartel-like underbelly.
However, seen from another perspective, one that I have belabored to explain
above, it would seem that our friends who decided to go for expediency rather
than wait for substantive changes, could well have dug their own graves.
Perhaps
this, even more than the suspected murder, is what needs revisiting.
